50 years of Independence: Are we still prisoners of our freedom?
By Clarence Kipobota
Our fathers and mothers fought vigorously for the independence of this country. They fought as individuals, political party and civil societies (mainly trade unions during the time). Ultimately, in December 1961, the country attained its independence; its freedom from the yoke of the colonialists.
From then on, we started to plan, implement and evaluate our programs as an independent nation. Everyone was optimistic that with everything at our very disposal and in our control, we would have the mandate of deciding and creating priorities, of course, within the context of our socio-economic and political capabilities.
Indeed, everything was in our control but certainly not our intellect. By this I mean the independence of our minds. As the time went on, the patriotism shown during the independence struggles, started to evaporate. Today only a few people can boldly step forward to affirm what they consider to be the benefits of being independent – 50 years after the fact.
It was the way in which post-colonialism governments conducted their businesses that necessitated the mushrooming of civil society organisations (CSOs), mainly to try and fill the gap (in service provision) left by government. And while it is something that probably needs some research to explain, one can hazard that the reason we re still prisoners despite our independence and in spite of government and CSOs efforts is found in the nature of life that we experienced prior to the independence.
Our masters conditioned us to believe that whatever they did or directed us to do was the right thing. They had the power to convince us.
After independence, the hangover still persists. Therefore, from this perspective, true independence of the mind is still to be attained.
It is the rich countries that set our democracy standard; the modality of economic development and even what our CSOs advocate for. Only a handful of programs by the government, private sector and CSOs are homegrown. The rich countries can boldly command us to legalise homosexuality as a condition for funding because they know that a hungry person has no choice.
In 1981, the World Bank issued the Berg Report on the social and economic crisis in Africa. Some economic reforms were suggested for Africa (not by Africans). And from then, aid started to flow onto the continent – albeit with tough strings attached like opening up of borders, allowing soft investment terms and moving towards multiparty democracy.
Later, we started to fight ourselves in the name of democracy. Our mothers and fathers in the villages started to fight to defend their small pieces of arable land against more powerful financial interests as they were threatened with displacement in favour of investors. And yet one has to wonder; if all these monies are being brought in by the beloved investors, how come our hospitals and schools are still lagging behind? Why are we still poor amidst plenty even after these 50 years of independence?
It is important to note that, quite impressive progress has been made so far through the work of government and CSOs. The advocacy work of CSOs has enabled government to enact pro-poor laws and policies and amend those that needed amendment. Many initiatives in terms of laws, policies and strategies have been adopted to improve the situation. And indeed today, almost all patterns of human rights and duties are documented and guaranteed in the country’s Constitution and laws.
However, the socio-economic challenges and other factors mentioned above bring more problems than solutions. Thus, the same core problems of poverty, disease and illiteracy, which were identified in the 1960s as enemies of the nation, still persist, and in newer forms and magnitudes.
For instance, the battle to reduce the maternal mortality rate is still to make its mark. At least 578 women die out of every 100,000 live births each year (equivalent to more than one maternal death per hour). In some regions or districts like Iringa, the prevalence of HIV/Aids still stands at an alarming14 percent. Adult education has come to a standstill for unknown reasons. The majority of urban, peri-urban and rural poor are able to make only one meal per a day. Educated youth continue to face the serious problem of unemployment.
All of this shows that we need to get back to the drawing board as government and CSOs in the interest of the poor Tanzanians. The first solution is to make a commitment to fight corruption with our hearts and not through papers and proclamations. We also need to give local communities and our citizens first priority when it comes to investments and this calls for empowering them in whatever way possible. Who can safeguard the interests of poor people if not the leaders and CSOs?
Secondly, we need to develop some confidence in our abilities and capacities. It is time, for instance, to draft legislation basing on the interests of our people and the context of our nation rather than the donors and a few elites.
Thirdly, it is time for CSOs to reorganise their agenda. Currently, many seem more inclined to winning the international donors’ recognition rather to listening to the real needs of the people whom they set out to serve. These donors’ agendas can be very complex and confusing. While others speak for the rights of poor women and children in the villages to access health and education facilities, others come campaigning for homosexuals’ rights and demand for the inclusion of same-sex marriages in our constitution.
Fourthly, there is a need for localising international, regional and national development programmes so that people down to the village levels can effectively participate in them in order to make these programmes more sustainable. It is time that we stopped thinking for the people. We have to think with them. It is time for rich countries to stop thinking for us. We need, as an independent nation, to think for ourselves.
Lastly, it is time that we fought the imperialist culture by favouring what we have. It is very strange, for instance, to see that while 98 percent of Tanzanians are typical Swahili speakers, laws, policies and development strategies are written in English. Some call this the ‘expert language.’ But the Swahili speaker can as well be an expert if we give him or her chance to demonstrate his capacities.
True independence that Tanzania can proudly commemorate is that which ought to have made peoples’ minds (the ordinary and the leaders) and government decisions free from the dependence syndrome.
Every process of sustainable development is attached to a mind that is productive and free to decide from available alternatives. Otherwise, we will be celebrating another 1,000 years of independence with empty hands and granaries. Let us wake up and deepen the efforts to attain that kind of independence.
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